Conflict Process Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 4250 words

Conflict Process - Essay Example Such groups at a basic level may comprise of relationships between family members, friends and acquaintances, or colleagues at work places (interpersonal, inter-organizational or intergroup). Within the framework of such socially constructed groups, there may be disagreements between members with varying needs, objectives or beliefs, which may lead to conflicts. Within a larger framework, groups relate to regional, national or even international levels, where such conflicts if not managed well, may even lead to a full-scale war. Conflicts are confrontations between two or more people having opposing requirements, ideals, notions, faiths, or objectives. Conflict between human beings is unavoidable and pervasive. However, the outcome not being predetermined, it can be altered to arrive at a peaceful resolution. If a conflict is kept unchecked, it can escalate to produce results that may be destructive or even non-productive. Conflict analysis and management is thus an integral part in maintaining strong and productive interpersonal relationships amongst family members, within colleagues in an organization, and even between nations. While it is difficult to exactly delineate conflict, most of existing definitions include two factors: for a conflict to occur there must be at least two groups working/interacting with each other. , and there must be some perceived sense of an incompatibility between the groups (Kuhn & Poole, 2000). A.W. Green defined conflict as â€Å"the deliberate attempt to oppose, resist or coerce the will of another or others† (cited in, Bhattacharya, 2008, 64). Two other definitions of conflict frame it as the â€Å"the interactive process manifested in incompatibility, disagreement, or dissonance within or between social entities† (Rahim, 1992, 16), or as the â€Å"process in which one party perceives that its interests are being opposed or negatively affected by another party" (Wall & Callister, 1995, 517). In the context, that â€Å"a conflict is life as usual† (Abigail and Cahn, 2010, 3) and hence inevitable between human relationships the process must be studied in order to control and effectively manage it and produce beneficial outcome (especially for those looking to work within organizations where working would involve teamwork) this paper will analyze the process of conflict analysis. It will examine a recent interpersonal crisis that occurred in the researcher’s life (pertaining to the divorce case between my ex-wife and me) and is especially important, as it allows me and the reader both, to comprehend whether during the entire process our confrontation went out of control, and whether in future I should seek a better route while dealing with interpersonal conflicts, in personal life or at workplace. This paper will analyze a conflict situation using various conflict theories and conflict management processes (from a Christian perspective), to derive that negotiation through effectiveness communication and mediation, anger control and forgiveness helps to achieve beneficial results for the disputants, without the members having to resort to physical violence. Discussion 1. Description of the situation Who was involved?- In any relationship when there are two or more interdependent people conflicts tend to occur when relatio nship rules are not adhered to and there is lack of sincere explanation to explain the rule break (Webster, MLOS561- conflict and negotiations in organizations, Slide 14). Due to the break in relationship rules, there arises incompatibility, which may lead to adverse effects on the relationship, and if the problematic situation is not handled appropriately, the entire

Slavery in Ile de France

Slavery in Ile de France Slavery in Ile de France If we go back into history, we can note that slavery had existed on the island since the sixteenth century by the Dutch settlement. Slavery had become firmly embedded in the economy and society of Mauritius. Mauritius, previously known as ‘Ile de France’ was colonised by the Dutch (1638-1710), the French (1715-1810) and later by the British (1810-1835) which paved the way towards the abolition of slavery in 1835. It was only when Guillaume Dufresne d’Arsel landed in 1715 that the island came to be known as a French colony. He named it ‘Ile de France’. It was only in 1721 that the French began to occupy the island. From 1598 to 1710, the Dutch were the first one to take possession of the island. However, we cannot deny that before the Dutch stay in Mauritius, in 1510, a Portuguese sailor, Don Pedro Mascarenhas was the main founder of the island but he was not interested. Whether during the Dutch, French or British stay in Mauritius, they faced a lot of problems. So, slaves had to be brought from other countries. As we already know, since centuries, under the colonial era, the one having more territories was considered to be more powerful. But who will work on those territories? Since there were not enough workers to work on the land, it was necessary to bring slaves on the island through slave trade. Slavery had played an important role in the historiography of the island. Whether in early eighteenth or nineteenth century, while European settlers were on the island, we can examine the condition of the slaves with their masters. Slavery in Mauritius is still considered to be less harsh than others like West Indian slavery. Slaves were mainly brought from countries like Goa-India, Madagascar, Mozambique and other regions of Africa but Reunion was the first island from which slaves were first introduced in Ile de France. But what was the aim behind this? They were brought to work for the development and betterment of Ile de France. This was seen to be advantageous for slave owners since slaves’ labour was being exploited at cheaper price. The slaves were divided into different ethnic categories such as Creole, Indian, Malagasy and Mozambican. Each ethnic group were portrayed as having specific attributes; for example. Mozambican slaves were characterised as being hardworking on plantation fields which indicates that they were physically strong but less intelligent. Contrary to this, Indian slaves were weak to work on plantations fields. According to Milbert, the African slaves were less in numbers. Furthermore, Prentout adds that these slaves were seen as the best hardworking labourers but more intelligent than the Mozambican slaves;  « Parmi eux, les yolofs, plus grands et plus forts sont regardà ©s comme les meilleurs reprà ©sentants de la race nà ¨gre, ils sont plus intelligents que ceux qui viennent de la cote de Mozambique ou de la cote adjacente  ». Different names were picturised to slaves who came from Africa or Mozambique; ‘Macoas’, ‘Mondjavocas’, ‘Sennas’, ‘Moursenas’, ‘Yabanes’, ‘Mouquidos’, ‘Mavairs’, ‘Macondes’ and ‘Miamoeses’. These slaves were physically portrayed as having thick lips, flat nose, oily skin and woolly hair. Another category of slaves coming from Madagascar were known to be ‘Hovas’, ‘Betsilà ©es’, ‘Antatoimes’, and ‘Sakalavas’. Those who came from India were classified as ‘Talingas’, ‘Malabars’ and ‘Bengalis’. In addition, people had their own perception about the relationship between slaves and their owners. Likewise, Charles Telfair noticed that there was a relationship of kindness which prevailed between slaves and their masters; â€Å"dans la plus haute classe, les rapports des maitres avec les esclaves à ©taient empreints de bienveillance†. Thus, the master was far from being a cruel and oppressive ruler. Prentout further adds that;  «il n’y avait pas à   l’ile de France, la mà ªme haine des esclaves qu’aux Antilles ». Slaves were nevertheless known to be a source of property for their masters. Reynolds Michel, a priest of Catholic Diocese argues that â€Å"Slavery, an institution as old as the history of human society is based on the exploitation of man’s labour. Certainly the history of slavery is a history of blood and tears lived by millions of men and women, a memory of people torn from their land of origin, of bodies thrown at the bottom of the holds of ships, corpses thrown overboard, removal and prohibition to bear one’s surname, forced labour and humiliation n the plantations. But it is also the story of a permanent resistance from beginning to end. And it is this strength in resistance in its many forms which abolished slavery†. Therefore, slaves did not lead a comfortable and simple life. They were none other than a source of income for their masters. They were just treated like an object which could be bought or sold anytime without restriction. They had no right to neither misbehave nor demand anything. Even the children of slaves were denied the right to education and were perceived as slaves just like their parents. Power was solely concentrated in the hands of the masters, that is, whenever they wanted they could use and throw away the slaves. For example, women slaves were brought at their master’s place, just for the sake of sexual pleasures. They did not have the right to voice out. In short they did not enjoy any form of human rights and they were completely deprived of their freedom. Thus, â€Å"the history of slavery must be remembered because memory undertakes not to repeat it†. However, we cannot deny the fact that slavery had a great significance in the economic development of th e colony. Dutch period (1638-1710) The Dutch occupation in Ile de France lasted from 1638 to 1710. The Dutch presence in Mauritius became noticeable through their introduction of domestic animals and plants like sugarcane. The Dutch East India Company also known as the ‘Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie’ (VOC) was an institution where the rich and poor were treated equally in trade affairs. This had included the support of Governor Van der Stel who imported slaves as labour was required in abundance for the better functioning of the company. Mauritius was seen as a country which would derive economic benefits for the VOC. During the Dutch period, slaves were brought mainly from Madagascar to work on the fields. However, many slaves, also known as maroon slaves ran away into the forests and often caused havoc for the settlers. They destroyed houses, burn farms or other properties so as to avoid being dominated and exploited. They knew if they were captured by their masters, they had to face severe consequences but still they tried to escape. The Dutch settlement lasted for about 20 years and they finally left the island for the French in 1710. French period (1715-1810) In 1715, the French took control of the island on behalf of the King and renamed it ‘Ile de France’. The island was managed under the direction of the French East India Company and it retained its existence until 1767. From 1767 until 1810, the French government chose officials and appointed them in Ile de France but this lasted only for a short period until the French revolution. Besides, amidst the Napoleonic wars, the French used Ile de France as a base where French corsairs were successful in launching surprise attacks on British ships. Until 1810, the French attacks and efforts in holding up the colony were effective until the British landed, but this time in great numbers and thus took possession of the island while the French capitulated. While surrendering, the British assured that the practice of the French traditions, customs, language and religion would be respected and maintained. Among the French settlers, the Code Noir was established and subsequently seen as the rules that slaves had to follow. It was published between 1685 and 1783 and declared by Louis X1V in 1723. Bernardin de Saint- Pierre was somehow in favour about the regime of the ‘Code-Noir’ but he claimed that the laws established for the slaves were not really granted to them. He adds that â€Å" il y a une loi faite en faveur des esclaves appelà ©e le Code Noir. Cette loi favorable ordonne qu’à   chaque punition ils ne recevront pas plus de trente coups, qu’ils ne travailleront point le dimanche, qu’on leur donnera de la viande toutes les semaines, des chemises tous les ans; quand ils sont vieux, on les envoie chercher leur vie comme ils peuvent. Un jour j’en vis un qui n’avoit que la peau et les os, dà ©couper la chair d’un cheval mort pour la manger. C’à ©tait un squelette qui en dà ©vorait un autre†. Slaves were forced to respect the laws even if they had to undergo tyrannical treatments. Nagapen argues, â€Å"les maitres s’arrogeaient le droit de vie et de mort sur leurs esclaves†. The slaves were granted the right to be baptised by the Articles I and II of the Code-Noir. Besides, they were not allowed to join into matrimony without the permission of their masters. Yet, the ‘Code-Noir’ was somehow useful for the slaves as it provided support for them both physically and morally. The owners were restrained from ill-treating and torturing the slaves. Slaves did not work on Sundays and public holidays. Additionally, they had the right to lodge complains against their owners and that to be done to the ‘procureur- gà ©nà ©ral’ namely Virieux. When he settled on the island, â€Å"he noticed that in no other colony had slaves been treated so well and the reasons for this were that the ‘ruler’ passed ‘wise and enlightened measures’, that whites were nicer towards their slaves than free black slave- owners†. In his study, Karl Noel mentions that slaves did not complain about any laws imposed upon them. In fact, they had no right but only to be obedient towards the law. The type of punishment the slave had to face was decided by the owners. Maroon slaves had to bear harsh consequences than them like their ears being cut or they even faced death. In short, governors like Souillac and Pierre Poivre blamed the unpleasant and dreadful foundation of slavery. Slaves were also in constant struggle towards the laws imposed upon them. Those who could no more tolerate these brutal conditions landed up committing theft, suicide, abortion or even escaping from there. In 1735, the French Governor Labourdonnais started developing Ile de France. Whether under the Dutch rule or French settlement, Ile de France became victim of several threats like starvation. Hence, Labourdonnais introduced staple food like manioc and maize for the slaves. Karl Noel assumed that under the French governance there were less agricultural works but they rather focussed on commerce, industry and warfare.

Nature vs. Nurture - We are Influenced by a Combination :: Papers Psychology Development Behavior

Nature vs. Nurture Debate The controversy over what determines who we are, whether it is Nature (heredity, our biological make up) or Nurture (our environment) is taking a new shape. Through the past decades, psychologists have developed different theories to explain the characteristics of human-beings; how we feel, think and behave. Usually, these theories were one directional in the nature / nurture question. Today, a new approach to deal with this question is emerging. This new approach finds a middle ground between nature and nurture. The conclusion that nature and nurture are complementary and work hand and hand to shape a behavior (a purposeful and meaningful activity) is not a compromise; it is a result of a vigorous study of each of the components of the equation of heredity and environment and their affects on determining one’s development and behavior. In fact, the more we understand about development and behavior, the more obvious it becomes that nature and nurture are similarly influences rather than determinants, not only singly but also in combination. Here below, I will endeavour to expose the leading theories dealing with the question of nature vs. nurture. I will also try to present the third, new-emerging approach meant to solve the mystery of â€Å" What is it that makes us who we are?† â€Å"Our genes made us. We animals exist for their preservation and are nothing more than their throwaway survival machines.† This is what Richard Darwin states in his book: The Selfish Gene. In his international best seller book, he argues that we are merely a product of our genes and our main purpose in life is to serve the genes, become distribution agents and ensure their proliferation. Before we take any stand to Darwin’s statement, let us familiarize ourselves with what is meant when the term nature is used. Nature represents what we are born with and cannot control. Our biological make up is determined by the genes we receive from our parents(reside in the 23 pairs of chromosomes, 23 from each parent.) â€Å"A gene is a segment of DNA or a sequence of nucleotides in DNA that codes for a functional product,† (Tortora, Microbiology. p. 575.) These genes not only affect our outlook, but also play a significant role in determining our behavior and our well-being. â€Å"Through new genetic studies, clinical observation, and research on identical twins and adopted children, we are becoming increasingly aware that many of the human characteristics previously taken for granted as products of childhood rearing and environment are rooted in the genetic matrix.†, (Neubrauer, Peter. p 38) Studies of identical twins reared apart have provided researchers with a lot of clues

Charles’ Ability to Finance His Government

The Personal Rule of Charles I Charles I, born in Dunfermline, the son of James I and Anne of Denmark, was born in 1600. At the age of five he was made the Duke of York the Prince of Wales in 1616. When James I died in 1625, his son Charles became king. Upon becoming, the King Charles had a sense of greed growing, he would gain money through taxes and laws imposed only for the sense of profit and had been stubborn when it came to his ministers.He imposed a lot of trust in his ministers and was reluctant when it came to their dismissal. The Personal Rule was a period in which Charles governed without any reference to Parliament in the years 1629-1640; he refused to summon any Parliaments until they had a better understanding of what he wanted to do. Historians in a major of ways described this period, but how effective was the period of the Personal rule and had Charles succeeded in governing effectively and financially.Upon Buckingham’s dispersal, many former enemies of the Ki ng had made peace with him and entered his service. The Dukes of Arundel and Bristol, who had been against Buckingham in the House of Lords had decided that Parliament had gone too far in imposing the King and took up positions at Court. The death of the Duke of Buckingham had deeply affected Charles and the King had become reluctant to never again depend on one minister.Upon introduction of the Personal rule period there was little reaction and resistance to the dispersing of Parliament, enemies of the king worked towards peace in an attempt to become his advisors, and many of them did succeed. King Charles was successful in governing without Parliament by cutting his expenses and increasing income. The greatest drain on resources was the wars against France and Spain leaving the economy at a disadvantage; however this was soon put to an end due to peace treaties being signed with France in 1629 and with Spain in 1630.Peace brought an immediate revival of English trade and commerce . This in turn brought increased customs revenue because Charles continued to collect income through taxes without the agreement of Parliament. The first of Charles' money schemes was to enforce a law complying that men who own a property worth more than ? 40 per annum shall receive knighthoods at the royal coronation and from 1630, Charles had also began fining everyone who failed to observe this law.The knighthood fines had stacked up ? 100,000 by the end of the following year. The most condemned of taxes was Ship Money, a custom that required payment in order to keep naval defences on standby in the case of an emergency. In 1634, with Dunkirk pirates in the Channel and Barbary corsairs raiding Ireland, Cornwall and Devon for slaves, King Charles taxed the coastal counties to pay for the building of new warships. In 1635, he extended the tax to include inland counties.Even though ship-money was intended to finance a new fleet for England's defence, there were strong objections bec ause the King had imposed what amounted to a new tax without the consent of Parliament. Charles’s decisions that he would call no more parliaments until his subjects had a better understanding of him indicated that the circumstances were exceptional; however it was not unusual for there to be long periods of time without Parliament such as the seven years between the parliaments of 1614 and 1621.Charles’s believed that they weren’t an essential part of the daily government but more for the financial management and problems, which was the reason for the many gatherings that previously took place. At this point it may be said that Charles’ ability to finance his government effectively had been working, and to some extent his methods of financing had also reduced the resentment during the personal rule period.By deducting some of his expenses and increasing taxes more revenue was generated; however it may also be considered that the taxes may have caused res entment as Ship money had been deeply condemned by some and Charles’ revival of the ‘Forest Law’ which was said to be sacred ground for some may have resented Charles’ for that decision. It didn’t stop there however, not only did Charles’ re-establish the Forest Law he also fined those who branded it as their sacred ground for all the previous years.Charles’ furthered the ship money taxes in 1635 by not only demanding them for coastal countries but the whole of Britain, this was bound to raise resentment towards the King’s actions however it was an effective move by Charles as by 1637 the budget was balanced, most of the gains were developed via new strategies however most of them were just previous laws that were buried and brought back, the only new law was Ship Money due to its amendment but it also played a significant part in establishing a new style of taxation, targets for Ship Money were set and the global sum had been d educted from the county as a whole.Apart from rising customs revenues that had been derived from growing trade, Ship money then became a long-term source of financial independence. Upon Ship Money being offered on a long-term basis the resentment and opposition towards the way Charles’ had chosen to finance his government, the opposition wasn’t towards the finance but the methods chosen and mainly the Ship Money itself, many historians argue that the period of portraying Ship Money on a long-term basis was an attempt by Charles to finance his absolutism but the opposition towards Charles’ actions had been at a growing rate.At this point it may be considered that I far from agree with the opinion of Charles being able to finance his government without too much resentment as opposition against the Kings actions had been at a growing rate and with Ship Money falling out of context the power to impose taxes had been taken out of context. Whig historians had believed that this period had aroused the most furious opposition in the provinces and this â€Å"fact† was generally accepted.However there is little evidence to suggest that the opposition was high. John Hampden was a clear case of resentment for the King as he refused to pay the tax in 1636; he was then tested in 1637. At this point Hampden’s lawyer believed Parliament should vote in this case, however the King appealed against this by saying that the Ship tax was also used to build the armyEven though the judges had confirmed Charles’ legal right to collect Ship Money, resentment and dissatisfaction were growing and in the years of 1635-1637 the amount of ship money being received was at a decreasing rate which was most likely from the opposition of it, this also highlights the fact that opposition was at an increasing rate and Charles’ unethical methods would not be successful for long.Charles’ methods of granting tax without the consent of Parliament had showed that his unethical methods towards gaining revenue would most likely increase the opposition towards him. Although most taxes were accepted Ship Money had been a major issue that raised a high amount in opposition. It can be argued that Ship Money was required for a valid reason, but would it be sustained as long as Charles wanted it? The period of 1637-40 was the decline of the personal rule, public opinion of the King was negating.Although the combination of Ship Money and growing trade offered a source of financial independence, the opposition towards it didn’t. Most of the opposition believed a Parliament should be called but even if it were to be, Charles’ views towards the finances of his government would not change hence one of the main reasons for the Personal Rule period itself. Charles lacked political awareness, and unlike James I, his father he lacked understanding of Scottish politics and culture; even so he didn’t attempt to educate him self on it.To some extent I have concluded that Charles’ ability to finance his government effectively itself was remarkable, but the methods he adapted when doing so were unethical and did not take into consideration the public opinion therefore I wouldn’t regard it as a remarkable achievement, however many Historians believe as I do that Charles’ lack of politics and culture had put him at a great disadvantage which was mainly why Parliament were established.It may also be said that Charles’ view towards Parliament had changed majorly after the death of the Duke, this was the reason why he demanded reform and asserted his role. The situation in Scotland was also a major turning point for the Personal Rule as Charles’ advisors also began advising that he call Parliament in order to settle the opposition and avoid war which in fact did drain the finances of the government.Therefore to some extent I do agree that the opinion of Charles’ abili ty to finance his government effectively was a remarkable achievement, however I also think that he should have taken more consideration of the public opinion in an attempt to avoid resentment. His decision to â€Å"renew† the Ship Money tax was in my opinion a mistake made by Charles and the decision to do this had actually started a widespread of opposition.

Personality & Attitudes on Revenge in the General Population of Scotland Essay

Fantasies vary from person to person and are dependent on psychological condition. In a clinical population fantasies tend to last longer than in non-clinical populations. Although overall each fantasy has been reported to last relatively short periods of time, the frequency of which they occur is usually the factor that determines whether they are of concern or not (Gellerman and Suddath, 2005). There seems to be a limited quantity of research available on the general understanding of this topic however the literature that does exist appears to focus on three particular areas, sustaining fantasies – as a means of coping with painful and stressful situations in the general population but particularly in the clinical population (Zelin, Bernstein, Heijn, Jampel, Myerson, Adler, Buie & Rizzuto, 1983; Harder & Zelin, 1984; Greenwald & Harder, 1994; Greenwald & Harder, 1995 & Greenwald and Harder, 1997); aggressive fantasies – for pleasure or satisfaction in the general popu lation but more often than not habitually involuntary for the clinical population and generally violent, sexual and sadistic in nature (Gellerman & Suddath, 2005; Egan & Campbell, 2009 & Selby, Anestis & Joiner (2007), and finally, revenge fantasies – concerning those who have experienced trauma (Mardi & Harowitz, 2007). In search of material for this review surprise has it that homicidal fantasies on the whole is the one of which focuses on a more simple view of its apparent natural occurrence in natural surroundings of everyday life, and highlights the evolving acceptance that many normal law abiding citizens can and do have fantasies. Sustaining Fantasy From a study conducted by Zelin et al (1983) the Sustaining Fantasy Questionnaire (SFQ) was developed to measure sustaining functions in psychiatric inpatients in comparison with non-patients. This questionnaire was constructed specifically to measure fantasies of death, withdrawal, restitution, suffering, God, closeness, power and revenge, admiration of self, competition and aesthetics. The questionnaire was then utilised to determine that psychiatric inpatients scored higher than non-patients on fantasies of death, withdrawal, restitution, suffering, God and closeness but fantasies of power and revenge, admiration of self, competition and aesthetics did not differentiate between groups. Thus, suggesting that the questionnaire was able to differentiate the groups by fantasy factors such as death, withdrawal, restitution, suffering, God and closeness and highlighted associations of power and revenge, admiration of self, competition and aesthetics with an independent measure of psycho logy. It is said that experiencing Sustaining Fantasies is a familiar, consistent and repetitive conscious fantasy adopted to help cope with feelings of a painful and stressful situation. According to Zelin et al (1983) the sustaining fantasy is a concept based on the observation that at times of extreme negative emotional states, caused by anger or narcissistic grievance, people often resort to this as a means of re-creating a more ideal situation than that of which stimulated the painful experience, fabricating a sense of satisfaction, restoring self-esteem and emotional equilibrium, and decreasing frustration. Ultimately, the sustaining fantasy is based on the assumption that such fantasies signify and demonstration the basic construction and processes that have evolved in the course of efforts to adapt to painful situations. We are reminded by Zelin et al (1983) that this fantasy is of a specific type called only into play when suffering increasing levels of stress, and should not be c onfused by those fantasies used as a disguised endeavour of pleasure or solutions to relatively un-stressful problems, such studies will be discussed later in the review. One year on, Harder & Zelin (1984) furthered the study of Zelin et al (1983) accepting that the sustaining fantasy questionnaire was developed primarily with psychiatric inpatients, but recognising also, the potential for its use in testing correlates among a more general sample. Assuming that everyone uses sustaining fantasies to aid or support themselves through highly stressful periods in life and presuming the importance of this factor in the capability to manage adaptively rather than maladaptively, Harder & Zelin (1984) extended interests and investigations into the personality functioning in the general population as well as with pathological persons. They did this by examining the relationship between the 10 types of sustaining fantasies reported by Zelin et al (1983) and two dimensions of self-concept – self-derogation and stability of self-concept, suspecting that the type of sustaining fantasy that the person characteristically brings into play will be consistent with and in support of their self-concept, an important relation with psychological-social adjustment and even a potential determinant of psychological-social adjustment. Successfully, the results demonstrated that the Sustaining Fantasy Questionnaire was reliable not only to differentiate between groups of psychiatric inpatients from normal controls, as Zelin et al (1983) demonstrated, but also to distinguish the group of college students used in this study. Just over a decade later Greenwald & Harder (1994) followed on from Zelin et al (1983), attempting to examine the expected associations between psychopathology, almost replicating exactly, apart from their use of a student population primarily from a middle-class backgrounds. In addition, Greenwald & Harder (1994) questioned if the sustaining fantasy scales associated with weaker functioning, reflects a more general pathology factor as proposed in the data of Zelin et al (1983) or, whether each reflects a particular maladaptive style that is signified by an exceptional construction of associations with the MMPI clinical scales. Further support and reliability of Zelin et al (1983) is strengthened in Greenwald & Harder’s (1994) findings that power/revenge, death/illness, withdrawal/protection and suffering are all related significantly to two of the MMPI measures of overall psychopathology, therefore four of the six fantasy types that imply psychopathology in the inpatients (Ze lin et al, 1983) were too the indicators of pathology in the study using the middle-class students. Considering all of the previously mentioned studies (Zelin et al, 1983; Harder & Zelin, 1984; Greenwald & Harder, 1994) it seems fair to say that ample evidence has been gathered to show that definite types of sustaining fantasy ideas, characteristically used to comfort the self when experiencing feelings of hurt and stress, are associated with indications of psychopathological adjustment. The aim for Greenwald & Harder (1995) was then to examine to what extent there are parallels between them and the degree to which such content ideas may well point out psychopathology. With reference to past research on daydreaming, where Singer & Antrobus (1972) have suggested that particular collections of imagery content appear to propose less favourable styles, there seems to be similarities with the findings of Zelin et al (1983), although they did emphasise the difference between other fantasies such as daydreams and remind us not to confuse them. Contrary to this emphasis and that of Zelin et al (1983), clinical impressions have proposed that in more ways than one, the overall content of these two types of fantasies is rather parallel. As a result of this proposal, Greenwald & Harder (1995) investigated whether sustaining fantasies generally show a strong similarity to the typical daydreams preferred by an individual, or whether there really is a movement from the content of ordinary daydreams to the familiar self-comforting ones that provide support during feelings of pain and stress. To do this they compared the Sustaining Fantasy Questionnaire and the numerous Imaginal Process Inventory (IPI) (Singer & Antrobus, 1972) scales for correspondence in content and in their relationships to measures of psychopathology, and a great deal of consistency was discovered even when partialling for social desirability. It was concluded that there was in fact considerable overlap in the content and of correspondence between both, sustaini ng fantasy and daydreams, and furthermore, it was highlighted that three particular IPI scales were observed to give significant indications of psychopathology – fear reaction, bizarre and hostile. Despite the delight in these findings Greenwald & Harder (1995) speculated the possibility that rather than the findings being a result of specific content they may be the result of a broad level of association between the two scales. In pursuit of this speculation further analysis detected the average degree of correlation between SFQ and IPI characteristics in comparison to the level of association displayed by those relationships they predicted, finding that although there was no significance, there was a trend toward significance. Thus, suggesting that a general commonality between the SFQ and the IPI may have been a factor in contributing to the extent of their success in predictions for the study. On this note one should be reminded that for the purpose of reliability and validity, considering an underlying weakness alongside the success is vital for future study in terms of recognising the possibility for individuals to very well fantasize and daydream simultaneously in ordinary and/or stressful situations. It is now becoming apparent that sustaining fantasies are perhaps not quite as specific from other fantasies in particular situations such as coping with stressful matters, as was first thought, or, that if they are, they do not always emerge completely alone. Based on the results of this study Greenwald & Harder (1995) propose the question of whether it would be beneficial to use the findings of their study, subsequent past research, to investigate clinical manipulation of the content and/or frequency of fantasy having therapeutic effects, bearing in mind the given definition of sustaining fantasy in Zelin et al (1983) at the beginnings of this extensive research. To address the proposed questions that emerged from Greenwald & Harder (1995) they conducted another study in 1997 replicating the previously discussed studies and replicating reported relationships between coping behaviours and psychopathology however, this time they utilised measurement instruments that were developed by different investigators, presented different response formats, and were not developed to measure the same content areas as before. They assessed whether consistent relationships exist between the content of self-reported coping behaviours, sustaining fantasies, and ordinary daydreams and in addition attempted to identify coping behaviours associated with psychopathology, exploring any connections between coping behaviours, fantasies, and daydreams correlated with pathology. Pearson correlations indicated similar content between coping behaviours and the two types of fantasy and significant inter-correlations were found between sustaining fantasies, daydreams, and coping behaviours that, separately, were found to be significantly associated with psychopathology. In the process of this investigation, and with influencing thoughts created by the previous workings, Greenwald and Harder (1997) took into consideration the likelihood to expect there would be a consistency between the region of fantasy and behaviour, and that individuals would report thoughts and action in parallel ways but then again, consider also that it is also probable to anticipate that fantasies could serve as a substitute for action, and that a report of specific fantasy content might be inversely associated with behaviour that contains similar content. Growing in strength, again the results of Greenwald & Harder (1997) were successful in that there is a significant association with regard to the content among self-reported daydreams, sustaining fantasies, and coping behaviours, even after controlling for social desirability. These results are found to be more influential due to the fact that they were obtained with assessment instruments that were developed by different investigators, used different response formats, and were not developed to measure the same content areas. Therefore, this information suggest that, while there may be some instances of fantasies and behaviours that relate inversely to each other, fantasies usually are consistent with behavioural coping styles. These findings then highlight that there is a complex of daydreams, fantasies, and behavioural responses that could be used to characterize individuals. Furthermore, to generalize the findings of this study it was recommended that future studies should be conducted with other subject populations that take into account age, culture, socioeconomic status and residence environment (Greenwald & Harder, 1997), however, it seems appropriate to mention that perhaps at this point it is a good time to look at how the sustaining fantasy ideology has branched out to embrace other influencing factors. Aggressive Fantasies Egan & Campbell (2009) expanded research on sustaining fantasies almost taking it to a new level by selecting a diverse population, as recommended by Greenwald & Harder (1997), but more importantly taking into account other domains that showed potential to reveal relationships from another angle. Such were, sensational topics, general personality traits, and self-reported physical aggression. They found relationships between sensational interests and physical aggression, regardless of gender. Personality and the application of negative sustaining fantasies significantly forecast physical aggression. When the SFQ was reduced to three higher order factors; positive, negative, and narcissistic sustaining fantasies, correlations were found between neuroticism (N) and both positive and negative sustaining fantasies, although the association was stronger for negative fantasies. There were small associations between positive sustaining fantasies and indirect non-physical hostility although these relations were humble, and openness (O) was a stronger predictor. Narcissistic sustaining fantasies related to low levels of agreeableness (A), replicating associations between low A and narcissism generally. Ultimately proposing that aggressive and hostile persons are more stimulated by violent stimuli and that isolation is a further risk-increasing factor for aggressive interests. Following on from this conclusion of risk-increasing factors, attention was directed back a few years in literature to a study conducted by Gellerman & Suddath (2005). They discussed risk-increasing factors in relation to questioning at what point would a health professional perhaps become concerned with a person’s fantasy enough for it to become their duty to forewarn or protect others from potential dangerousness, or even attempt to protect the person from them self. In the health profession an evaluation of dangerousness includes not only asking about violent fantasies but also asking about physical and sexual content (Gellerman & Suddath, 2005). Gellerman and Suddath (2005) looked at the conditions in which the disclosure of violent fantasies to a mental health professional may generate cause for concern and a duty to warn or protect other citizens. Reviewing legal cases in which violent fantasies were considered in the context of measuring potential dangerousness and the literature available on homicidal and sexually violent fantasies in both non-incarcerated and criminal populations was also examined. It was concluded that no dependable predictive relationship between violent fantasies and wickedly hazardous behaviour was reported in the available literature and suggestions of issues that mental health professionals may think about when gauging whether a particular violent fantasy is a sign for concern requiring rise to a duty in protecting others. At last, this paper is very interesting in that it is greatly unbiased and clearly discusses both the harmful aspects of fantasy as well as the innocent or un-harmful aspects, thus showing the importance of distinguishing between the two possibilities, which must be said, is something that is lacking in the papers previously reviewed. Gellerman and Suddath (2005) explained in detail the definition of violent fantasy for the purpose of their paper which must be credited as again, not many papers in this field have done so. They expressed their perception of violent fantasy as a thought in which an individual imagines physically harming a fellow human being in some way. They explain that the content of individual fantasies may vary from anything such as murder, sexual assault, or inappropriate sexual activity. It is emphasised that fantasy must be distinguished from an intention, in that the imaginary violence is not instantaneously designed to guide or prepare for action. On the other hand, it is said that any expression of intention to harm another person is when we should have cause for concern as this is without doubt communicating a â€Å"threat† rather than a fantasy. Gellerman and Suddath (2005) noted two important points in terms of distinguishing between fantasy being harmless or harmful, firstly, while not instantaneously aimed at guiding action, fantasy has been illustrated as serving a number of clinical functions, including control and relief of anxiety and substitution for action therefore harmless to others and at the same time very useful to the fantasizer, secondly, from a harmful perspective fantasy may also be preparation for action and it is from this perspective that concern should be heightened in the evaluation of dangerousness and the duty to protect. Gellerman and Suddath (2005) go on to give balanced examples of both harmless and harmful fantasies. In their comparisons of both sides and in both populations, un-incarcerated and criminal, together with their overall review of the literature they used, they suggest that as fantasies of murder were fairly common in general Western European and American populations, and a range of fantasies of aggression and sexual violence were less common, but were by no means rare, people should bear in mind that this high prevalence of homicidal and sexually aggressive fantasy can only make us question then, to what extent can such fantasies be considered deviant. In addition it should be highlighted that Gellerman and Suddath (2005) found that existing studies have evidently established that many more individuals have homicidal and sexually violent fantasies than act on them. The relationship between violent fantasy and behaviour in these studies was correlative at best, and no suggestions were given in attempt to identifying the minority of individuals with violent fantasies who may be at risk of acting them out. Altogether, it was concluded that predictors better than fantasies alone are the eminence of the fantasies, the concern with them, and the level of preparation and detail, and the history of any past violent behaviours all need to be looked at collectively (Gellerman & Suddath, 2005). Another study of interest where aggressive fantasies seek personal pleasure but in a paradoxical way is that of Selby, Anestis & Joiner (2007). They reported that suicidal individuals regularly report the reoccurrence of fantasy where they can visualise their death by suicide very clearly in their imagination, almost like watching it on TV. Selby et al (2007) found that many unremittingly suicidal individuals are thought to have a romantic affection for death and as a result, connect themselves in vivid fantasies or daydreams about the process and the after-effects. This somewhat idealistic thought process even appears to be a pleasant motion for them. In desperation of escape from torment and pain (Baumeister, 1990), it seems that the act of suicide is the answer and therefore thinking about the liberation that death would present, perhaps enables suicidal individuals to experience positive affects similar to that of non-suicidal individuals daydreaming or fantasizing about future life events such as holidays (Selby et al, 2007). This daydreaming may actually be a form of emotion dysregulation, in suicidal individuals, one that would appear, perhaps paradoxically, to increase positive affect yet may increase later risk for serious suicidal behaviour. This psychological state was also considered by Zelin et al (1983). Revenge Fantasies Suicidal behaviour, just like the fantasies they provoke, vary in content and from person to person however for the purpose of this review it should be mentioned that revenge fantasies among many other things, can often be the cause for suicidal behaviour (Mardi & Harowitz, 2007). In one way the reason behind the fantasies are similar per se; feelings of rage shame guilt etc., but in another way very different; often unwanted and uncontrollable. Revenge fantasies are described as being beyond normal bitter thoughts and sometimes dangerous. The study conducted by Mardi & Harowitz (2007) was an attempt to seek solutions to a hypothetical case demonstrating a problem existing in clinical practice. The method behind this is for the authors to review current data on prevalence, diagnosis, pathophysiology, and treatment and ultimately conclude treatment recommendations. Again it is brought to attention that the quantity of literature addressing fantasy is limited, Mardi & Harowitz (2007) pointed out at the beginning of their paper that revenge fantasies have been discussed in literature, however not adequately addressed, a problem common for most papers in this review. Like all other fantasies per se, revenge fantasies can provide a sense of reinstated purpose and regain of control in an otherwise traumatized life and purely for this purpose it is imperative to assist traumatized individuals in recognizing this. Mardi & Harowitz (2007) split the scenario up into sections in sequence to how step by step the scenario would be assessed and addressed in a clinical setting. All important techniques and procedures were discussed such as, the importance of techniques in psychotherapy being put in place with the much needed interpretations and reappraisals and with careful differentiation of rational and irrational beliefs. It was explained that it is then, that the function of revenge fantasies as giving an illusion of strength can be interpreted. Mardi & Harowitz (2007) suggest the fact that the results of therapy may be attenuation of symptoms, and revenge fantasies are deep-rooted, there is an important need for informing the patients that revenge fantasies are likely to return, and are frequently generated by things as simple as seeing a movie, being hurt, or entering an irritated mood as a result of fatigue. Mardi & Harowitz (2007) go on to explain that the professional should help the patient plan a comeback, which can engage in reviewing a pre-established set of ideas, overall they express that their goal is to help the patient gain a sense of restored control, self-esteem, and self-coherence without resorting to the ‘strong-me’ property of a revenge fantasy. Taking into account the apparent lack of topic specific resources that provide general information on the influences of fantasy in the general public, and the gaps that seem wide open between studies in fantasy, it seems fair to say that the beginning would be a good place to start. As a result the current study will seek to investigate attitudes of the general public toward fantasies, looking to find out what they think fantasies might be and to what extent they think it is normal for people to have them. It will be hypothesised that most people will believe that a fantasy is a mere thought of imagination detached from reality to satisfy emotional desires without logical or moral constraints and likewise most people will agree that it is normal to have fantasies. It is expected that more people will agree, than disagree, that it is ok and can be accepted as normal for people to have homicidal fantasies. Method Design A between-participants point biserial correlation will be used to analyse the data. The independent variables will be the self report personality inventory (IPIP-NEO) and the attitude measuring questions and the dependent variable will be participants score on the IPIP-NEO and the attitude score. Variables such as gender, age, marital status, housing tenure, regions, employment status, income bracket and criminal convictions will also be considered in relation to participant response to both independent variables. Participants According to G Power participant number should be 191, however, for an equal balance, it will be at least 100 males and 100 females. The male and female participants will be ages of or between 21 and 65, and split between four regions (Glasgow, Paisley, Edinburgh & Dundee). Apparatus Participant information sheets (PIS) and consent forms will be given along with questionnaires that will be used to measure psychopathic personality traits (IPIP-NEO) and attitudes on aggressive revenge fantasies. Each participant will be given the same questionnaire to complete. The statistical analysis programme SPSS will be used to analyse and correlate the data. Procedure Each participant will be given a brief introduction of the study and asked if they are willing to take part, if they are willing then they will be asked to carefully read the PIS, sign the consent form, which will be detached from the questionnaire as they will be anonymous, and complete the questionnaire. The questionnaire consists of a self-report personality inventory, the International Personality Item Pool – NEO (IPIP-NEO) developed by Witt, Donnellan & Blonigen (2009), of which permission for use was granted by Edward A. Witt. This 40 item inventory will measure the psychopathic personality traits of fearless dominance (20 items) and Impulsive Antisociality (20 items) to assess how high or low participants score in comparison with each other. A four-option multiple response (False, Mostly False, Mostly True, True) format and a Likert-type scale will be used (False = 1, Mostly False = 2, Mostly True = 3, True = 4) to measure the data. In exception, the 1st, 4th, 9th, 14th, 15th,16th and 17th questions of Fearless Dominance will be measured in reverse scale. The second part of the questionnaire consists of 10 questions regarding attitudes toward people having revenge fantasies. Again, a four-option multiple response (strongly disagree, disagree, agree, strongly agree) format and a Likert-type scale will be used (strongly disagree = 1, disagree = 2, agree = 3, strongly agree = 4) to measure the data. Reference Baumeister, R. F. (1990). Suicide as Escape from Self. Psychological Review, 97, 90-113. Egan, V. & Campbell, V. (2009) Sensational Interests, Sustaining Fantasies and Personality Predict Physical Aggression. Personality and Individual Differences, 47, 464-469 Gellerman, D. M. & Suddath, R. (2005). Violent Fantasy, Dangerousness, and the Duty to Warn and Protect. Journal of the American Academy of Psychiatric Law, 33, 484-495. Greenwald, D. F. & Harder, D. W. (1994). Sustaining Fantasies and Psychopathology in a Normal Sample. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 50, 705-708. Greenwald, D. F. & Harder, D. W. (1995). Sustaining Fantasies, Daydreams, and Psychopathology. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 51, 719-726. Greenwald, D. F. & Harder, D. W. (1997). Fantasies, Coping Behaviour, and Psychopathology. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 53, 91-97. Harder, D. W. & Zelin, M. L. (1984). Sustaining Fantasies and Self-Concept Among College Students. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 40, 743-748 Mardi, J. & Harowitz, M. D. (2007). Understanding and Ameliorating Revenge Fantasies in Psychotherapy. American Journal of Psychiatry, 164, 24-27. Selby, E. A., Anestis, M. D. & Joiner Jr, T. E. (2007). Daydreaming About Death: Violent Daydreaming as a Form of Emotion Dysregulation in Suicidality. Behavior Modification, 31, 867-879. Singer, J. L. & Antrobus, J. S. (1972). Daydreaming, Imaginal Processes and Personality: A Normative Study. In P. W. Sheehan (Ed.). The function and nature of imagery. (pp. 175-202). New York: Academic Press. Witt, E. A., Donnellan, M. B. & Blonigen, D. M. (2009). Using Existing Self-Report Inventories to Measure the Psychopathic Personality Trait of Fearless Dominance and Impulsive Antisociality. Journal of Research in Personality, 43, 1006-1016. Zelin, M. L., Bernstein, S. B., Heijn, C., Jampel, R. M., Myerson, P. G., Adler, G., Buie, D. H. & Rizzuto, A. M. (1983). The Sustaining Fantasy Questionnaire: Measurement of Sustaining Functions in Psychiatric Inpatients. Journal of Personality Assessment, 47, 427- 439.